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Questions & Answers About Oregon's Land Use Program

S e c t i o n  B :  U r b a n  P l a n n i n g

 

B. Questions And Answers About
Urban Planning Issues

1. Urban Growth Boundaries
2. Affordable Housing
3. Transportation Planning

 


 

Urban Growth Boundaries

What is an urban growth boundary?

UGBs limit urban sprawl. They are based on a local analysis of local land need for a 20 year period and are adjusted regularly to reflect changing circumstances.

The Oregon land use program limits urban sprawl and reduces the cost of urban services, by requiring each city to have an urban growth boundary (UGB). Cities must designate sufficient land inside their UGB to meet the residential, industrial, commercial, and recreational needs of the community, for up to 20 years. The size of the UGB can be reconsidered every 5-7 years to reflect changing circumstances as part of the periodic review of each city's comprehensive plans. UGBs help protect the land base for the agriculture and timber industries.

How do UGBs help the average citizen?

Based on studies around the country, Oregon's growth management program, and UGBs in particular, have saved Oregon taxpayers millions of dollars.

While no statewide analysis has been done on Oregon, there is much evidence that Oregon taxpayers have benefitted immensely from the state's land use program. The New Jersey Legislature commissioned a study of their proposed state land use plan. Like Oregon's land use laws, the New Jersey draft plan sought to achieve a more compact pattern of growth. The study concluded the proposed compact growth pattern would save New Jersey taxpayers $1.3 billion in infrastructure costs over 20 years, and would save cities and school districts $400 million each year in operating and maintenance costs for public facilities. (Source: Rutgers University, Impact Assessment of the New Jersey Interim State Development and Redevelopment Plan, 1992.)

PSU's Center for Urban Studies concluded that subdivisions built adjacent to existing facilities cost 27% less to serve with infrastructure than one built in a leapfrog, sprawl fashion. (Source: PSU Center for Urban Studies & Regional Financial Advisors, Inc., DLCD's Local Government Infrastructure Funding in Oregon, 1990.)

"Studies over the last 30 years have concluded that when development is spread out at low densities, the per-unit cost of constructing and maintaining public facilities increases. The reason for this is that low-density development requires more miles of roads, curbs, sewers, and water lines; and municipal services must be delivered over a greater geographic area." (Source: The Urban Land Institute, "The Case for Multifamily Housing," 1991.)

Don't UGBs drive up the cost of housing by limiting the land supply?

Research shows that housing costs in the Portland area, and statewide, are more affordable compared to other West Coast cities. The land use program has also increased the potential supply of housing units inside UGBs.

Maintaining the affordability of housing is an important part of Oregon's statewide planning program. Goal 10, "Housing" requires every community to zone sufficient land for affordable types of housing.

A joint study by the Home Builders Association of Metropolitan Portland and 1000 Friends of Oregon concluded that Oregon's program of UGBs, in combination with other tools from the land use program, has kept housing prices in the Portland metropolitan area two to three times more affordable than other West Coast cities. This is because the program requires cities to designate land for all types of housing, and because developers wishing to build on that land get one of the fastest permitting processes in the nation. (Source: 1000 Friends of Oregon & The Home Builders Association of Metropolitan Portland, "Managing Growth to Promote Affordable Housing: Revisiting Oregon's Goal 10," 1991.)

As the Rutgers University study concluded, without a statewide planning act in New Jersey, each new home would costs $12,000 - $15,000 more. (Source: Rutgers University, Impact Assessment of the New Jersey Interim State Development and Redevelopment Plan, 1992.)

Inside the Portland metro area UGB, the maximum number of permitted housing units more than doubled, from 129,000 to over 300,000, between 1978 and 1982. (Greenfield, The Impact of Oregon's Land Use Planning Program on Housing Opportunities in the Portland Metropolitan Region, 1982.) Increasing the potential supply of housing, independently of land supply, helps control the cost of housing.

Here is what experts in the industry have to say:

"Oregon's growth-guiding legislation has successfully fostered affordable housing....UGBs are an effective tool. UGBs create a decision system, making it clear to government officials, real estate developers, financial institutions, property owners, and residents where development may occur. The concept has enabled communities to realistically plan expansion in services and infrastructure to support future housing needs while limiting urban sprawl and keeping housing costs down." (Source: Action, the newsletter of the Regulatory Reform for Affordable Housing Information Center, Summer 1992.)

"Land use regulation can in fact be a powerful force to reduce housing costs and red tape. In Oregon, it has done just that." (Source: Home Builders of Metropolitan Portland, in a letter to then-Secretary Jack Kemp, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, cited in Action, the newsletter of the Regulatory Reform for Affordable Housing Information Center, Summer 1992.)


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Jobs and Housing

What does the Oregon planning program do to promote affordable housing?

It eliminates zoning barriers to building affordable housing.

State planning Goal 10 requires cities and counties to "provide for the housing needs of citizens of the state" by encouraging "adequate numbers of ... housing units at price ranges and rent levels which are commensurate with the financial capabilities of Oregon households." The planning laws forbid "snob zoning," zoning which prohibits apartment buildings or other multifamily housing, manufactured housing or government assisted housing.

Has Goal 10 really made a difference in the housing supply?

Yes, especially in the Portland metro area.

The impact of the planning program on the availability and price of housing has been dramatic. For example, a study of the Portland region showed that the average residential lot size for new houses dropped from 12,800 sq. ft. in 1978 to 8280 sq. ft. in 1982, decreasing the price of the average lot by $7000-10,000. The maximum number of homes that could be built on residential land inside the Portland UGB increased from 129,000 units to 301,000 units. Source: Greenfield, The Impact of Oregon's Land Use Planning Program on Housing Opportunities in the Portland Metropolitan Region, for 1000 Friends of Oregon, September 1982.

Isn't the urban growth boundary causing the crisis in housing affordability in the Portland area by limiting the land supply?

Home and lot prices are comparable to other Western cities. Housing is less affordable in the Portland metro area because our wages are lower than these other cities.

Home and lot prices have increased rapidly in response to surging population growth. Despite the increases, homes and lots cost the same or less than in other Western cities, without UGBs. In mid-1996, single family homes sold for an average of $139,400 in the Portland region, $163,800 in Seattle, $173,600 in San Diego and an average of $156,200 in the West. In 1995, the median price for a lot in the Portland metropolitan area was $50,000, in Seattle it was $86,000, in San Jose it was $200,000. (The table on the other side provides more information on home and lot prices and the sources for these statistics.) Home affordability is determined not only by the cost of housing but the region's wages. The Portland area's median household income, $42,700 (1995), is significantly less than in Seattle ($51,500) or San Jose ($64,200), for example. Source: Metro

Isn't housing affordability an issue outside the Portland area?

 Yes, particularly along the Coast and Central Oregon.

Parts of the Coast, Central Oregon, and Rogue Valley are experiencing growth from retirees and others who are attracted to these beautiful locations and this demand is driving up home prices. But wages paid by the tourist and service sectors are not high enough to allow these citizens to compete for homes.

What can the planning program do to help assure affordable housing?

•Require UGB expansions to be contingent on master plans that include a certain percentage of housing affordable to families with below average incomes.
•Eliminate (remaining) zoning barriers to affordable housing, e.g. allow homeowners to build a rental unit inside an existing home ("accessory units").
•Enforce the prohibitions in Goal 10 against "snob zoning."
•Require large new developments to include housing affordable to families with below average incomes.

 

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Transportation Planning

What does the Transportation Planning Rule require?

Adoption of transportation system plans which coordinate transportation facilities, promote pedestrian oriented design and in metropolitan areas, reduced reliance on the automobile.

LCDC's 1991 Transportation Planning Rule (TPR) interprets Statewide Planning Goal 12, "Transportation." The rule requires the state, the four metropolitan areas (Medford, Eugene, Salem and Portland), and all other cities and counties to adopt Transportation System Plans (TSPs). Each TSP is required to determine transportation needs and plans for roadway, transit, bicycle, pedestrian, air, rail, water, and pipeline facilities. TSPs in larger jurisdictions also are required to address transportation system management, demand management, parking, and finance. In Oregon's four metropolitan planning areas the TSP's are required to achieve a 20% reduction in vehicle miles of travel (VMT) per capita by the year 2025.

In urban areas greater than 25,000 in population, the TPR directs local governments to adopt regulations to require new retail, office, and institutional buildings to provide preferential access to transit. This is to be accomplished by several means, including requiring buildings to be located as close as possible to transit stops. 

How can you justify the cost to local governments and private investors of complying with the requirements of the TPR?

The TPR will save local governments money by avoiding unnecessary road building and maintenance and save businesses money that would be wasted on congestion.

In 1993, the Oregon Department of Transportation, the Association of Oregon Counties, and the League of Oregon Cities released a report from the Oregon Roads Finance Study. The report estimated Oregon's total road and bridge needs through 2013 at $48.8 billion (in constant 1991 dollars) but that compliance with the TPR would reduce these needs to $37.3 billion; for a net saving to Oregon's taxpayers of $11.5 billion. (Source: Forward Oregon: Roads in a New Context, at II-4.)

The Oregon Department of Transportation calculated that complying with the TPR would save Oregon companies more than $1 billion by reducing the amount of lost worker productivity and goods delivery time due to congestion. (Source: Oregon Transportation Plan at 85, 1992.)

What good does the TPR do for the average citizen who doesn't ride public transit?

If implemented, the TPR will control traffic congestion and air pollution.

Without the TPR, traffic congestion in the Portland metro area is expected to increase approximately 125% by the beginning of the next century. With the TPR, however, the Oregon Department of Transportation (ODOT) calculates that congestion levels will not increase, despite a substantial increase in population and employment. (Source: Oregon Transportation Plan Technical Report, at 1-32.)

The Oregon Department of Environmental Quality (DEQ) estimates that increased driving in Oregon will push some of the state's urban areas (particularly the Portland metro area) out of compliance with federal clean air standards by the second half of this decade. Noncompliance with these standards means that Oregon industries must install the most expensive smoke stack reduction technologies and purchase expensive pollution offset credits from other businesses, resulting in billions of dollars in extra costs. DEQ estimates that full implementation of the TPR, however, would provide approximately one-fifth of the pollution reductions needed to keep Oregon from falling into these costly requirements. (Source: State Task Force on Motor Vehicle Emission Reductions in the Portland Area, Final Report, at S-6 & 2-6)

Why do local governments and businesses oppose the Transportation Planning Rule?

Not all of them do.

Several communities have complied with the requirements of the TPR without undue objections. For example, Clackamas County recently adopted an ordinance to implement the TPR that was supported by both environmental and business interests. This demonstrates that the TPR, as it currently stands, can be implemented in a way that accommodates business interests while improving the environment. Similar consensus efforts are now under way at Washington County and the City of Portland.

Moreover, a number of developers already design their projects in ways that comply with the design guidelines of the rule. Examples include the Murray West project being developed by Greg Specht in Beaverton, the Central Bethany project in Washington County, the Sunnyside Village project in Clackamas County, and the Fairview Village project being constructed by Holt & Haugh in Fairview.
 

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